经济学双语版阅读精选:政界金权
The justices open the door to more campaign contributions
法院为竞选赞助敞开大门
SHAUN McCUTCHEON, a businessman from Alabama, wanted to give
a symbolic $1,776 to 28Republican candidates for Congress in 2012.
Because of federal limits imposed after theWatergate scandal, Mr
McCutcheon was allowed to donate this sum only to 16 campaigns.
OnApril 2nd, however, the Supreme Court ruled that he can get his
chequebook out again. InMcCutcheon v. Federal Election Commission, the
justices voted 5-4 to strike down two“aggregate caps” on campaign
contributions, leaving “base limits” of $2,600 per candidate,per election
intact. Where individuals had been limited to total contributions of
$48,600 tocandidates for federal office and $74,600 to political parties
and political-action committees,they can now give as much as they like.
2012 年,亚拉巴马州的商人肖恩·麦克卡森曾想为竞选国会议员的 28 位
共和党人象征性捐赠 1776 美金。但由于水门事件后强制实行联邦限度,麦
克卡森只得用这笔款项资助了 16 场竞选。然而,根据最高法院 4 月 2 日的
裁决,他又可以拿出支票簿来了。在麦克卡森起诉联邦选举委员会一案中,
众法官以 5:4 的投票比例,最终取消了竞选献金的两处“总限额”,只对每名
候选人一次全程竞选作 2600 美金的“基本上限”要求。相比过去,联邦政府部
门的候选人所能接受个人捐款上限为 48600 美金,政党和政治行动委员会的
上限则为 74600 美金;如今个人捐款已不再受限了。
“There is no right more basic in our democracy,” Chief Justice John
Roberts wrote in thecourt's plurality opinion, “than the right to
participate in electing our political leaders.” TheFirst Amendment's
freedom-of-speech guarantee includes the right to “contribute to
acandidate's campaign.” So although “money in politics may at times
seem repugnant tosome,” it is entitled to “vigorous” protection. It is
unconstitutional, Mr Roberts wrote, to“restrict the political participation
of some in order to enhance the relative influence ofothers.”
“我国民主政治中最基本的一项权利,”首席法官约翰·罗伯茨在法庭多数
意见书中写道,“就是参与政治领导人选举。”第一修正案中的言论自由权规
定了“为候选人竞选捐款。因此,尽管“政界金权有时会引起某些人的反感,”
但这一权利有着“有力”保障。罗伯茨还写道,“为了提升某些人的相对影响力
而限制其他人的政治参与”不合宪法规定。
The only good reason to curb campaign donations, the Court ruled, is
to prevent corruption.So caps on donations to individual candidates make
sense: a “financial quid pro quo”, orappearance thereof, taints a $1m
cheque to someone running for Congress. But if it is lawfulto give $1,776
to one candidate, or 16, it is odd to argue that the same sum would
corruptthe 17th recipient, or the 400th. “The Government may no more
restrict how manycandidates or causes a donor may support,” Chief
Justice Roberts wrote, “than it may tell anewspaper how many
candidates it may endorse.”
根据法庭判决,预防腐败是唯一条限制竞选捐款的充分理由。这样一来 ,
制定候选人的个人受捐总限额就合乎情理了:若是让国会议员候选人另外寻
求一样补偿,或是让其支付公开露面的费用,他们便会脏了好好一张百万支
票。但若是法律允许候选人个人接收 1776 美金,或允许 16 位候选人接收
1776 美金,第 17 个人或是第 400 个人就不会脏了这笔钱。“政府不可对捐赠
方资助的候选人人数或事业项数作限制,”首席法官罗伯茨写道,“也不可在
新闻中透露捐赠方所支持的候选人人数。”
In dissent, Justice Stephen Breyer and three other liberal justices
argued that the rulingundervalues the “integrity of our governmental
institutions”. Together with the CitizensUniteddecision of 2010, Mr
Breyer charged, McCutcheon “eviscerates our Nation's campaign-finance
laws, leaving a remnant incapable of dealing with the grave problems
ofdemocratic legitimacy that those laws were intended to resolve.” The
majority fails tounderstand what donor dollars can buy, fumed Mr Breyer.
“The threat...posed by the risk ofspecial access and influence,” he
wrote, “remains real.”
斯蒂芬·布雷耶同其他自由派法官对此表示饭随,他们声称这一裁决低估
了“美国政府机构的廉正”。布雷耶以 2010 年出台的《公民联合决议》为据,
起诉麦克卡森“一棍子打倒了美国竞选筹款法,该法旨在解决的民主合法性之
严峻问题自此滞而无解。”布雷耶怒斥多数派没能理解捐赠方的手中的金权。
“这一威胁…由特殊渠道和特殊影响造成,”他如是写道,“它一直存在着”。
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