美国20世纪100个经典英文演讲MP3(精选多篇)

MP3

gerald rudolph ford

national address pardoning richard m. nixon

MP3

woodrow thomas wilson

"for the league of nations"

lyndon baines johnson

"let us continue"

joseph n. welch

"have you no sense of decency"

anna eleanor roosevelt

adopting the declaration of human rights

第三篇：美国20世纪经典英语演讲100篇(MP3+文本)

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第四篇：20 美国经典英文演讲100篇the great society

美国经典英文演讲100篇:"the great society"

lyndon baines johnson the great society

[authenticity certified: text version below transcribed directly from audio.]

president hatcher, governor romney, senators mcnamara and hart, congressmen meader and staebler, and other members of the fine michigan delegation, members of the graduating class, my fellow americans:

it is a great pleasure to be here today. this university has been coeducational since 1870, but i do not believe it was on the basis of your accomplishments that a detroit high school girl said (and i quote), "in choosing a college, you first have to decide whether you want a coeducational school or an

educational school." well, we can find both here at michigan, although perhaps at different hours. i came out here today very anxious to meet the michigan student whose father told a friend of mine that his son's education had been a real value. it stopped his mother from bragging about him.

i have come today from the turmoil of your capital to the tranquility of your campus to speak about the future of your country. the purpose of protecting the life of our nation and preserving the liberty of our citizens is to pursue the happiness

of our people. our success in that pursuit is the test of our success as a nation.

for a century we labored to settle and to subdue a continent. for half a century we called upon unbounded invention and untiring industry to create an order of plenty for all of our people. the challenge of the next half century is whether we have the

wisdom to use that wealth to enrich and elevate our national life, and to advance the quality of our american civilization.

your imagination and your initiative and your indignation will determine whether we build a society where progress is the servant of our needs, or a society where old values and new visions are buried under unbridled growth. for in your time we have the opportunity to move not only toward the rich society and the powerful society, but upward to the great society. the great society rests on abundance and liberty for all. it

demands an end to poverty and racial injustice, to which we are totally committed in our time. but that is just the beginning. the great society is a place where every child can find

knowledge to enrich his mind and to enlarge his talents. it is a place where leisure is a welcome chance to build and reflect, not a feared cause of boredom and restlessness. it is a place where the city of man serves not only the needs of the body and the demands of commerce but the desire for beauty and the hunger for community. it is a place where man can renew contact with nature. it is a place which honors creation for its own sake and for what is adds to the understanding of the race. it is a place where men are more concerned with the quality of their goals than the quantity of their goods.

but most of all, the great society is not a safe harbor, a resting place, a final objective, a finished work. it is a challenge

constantly renewed, beckoning us toward a destiny where the meaning of our lives matches the marvelous products of our labor.

so i want to talk to you today about three places where we begin to build the great society -- in our cities, in our countryside, and in our classrooms.

many of you will live to see the day, perhaps 50 years from now, when there will be 400 million americans -- four-fifths of them in urban areas. in the remainder of this century urban population will double, city land will double, and we will have to build homes and highways and facilities equal to all those built since this country was first settled. so in the next 40 years we must re-build the entire urban united states.

aristotle said: "men come together in cities in order to live, but they remain together in order to live the good life." it is harder and harder to live the good life in american cities today. the catalog of ills is long: there is the decay of the centers and the despoiling of the suburbs. there is not enough housing for our people or transportation for our traffic. open land is vanishing and old landmarks are violated. worst of all expansion is eroding these precious and time honored values of community with neighbors and communion with nature. the loss of these values breeds loneliness and boredom and indifference.

and our society will never be great until our cities are great. today the frontier of imagination and innovation is inside those cities and not beyond their borders. new experiments are

already going on. it will be the task of your generation to make the american city a place where future generations will come, not only to live, but to live the good life. and i understand that if i stayed here tonight i would see that michigan students are really doing their best to live the good life.

this is the place where the peace corps was started.

it is inspiring to see how all of you, while you are in this country, are trying so hard to live at the level of the people.

a second place where we begin to build the great society is in our countryside. we have always prided ourselves on being not only america the strong and america the free, but america the beautiful. today that beauty is in danger. the water we drink,

the food we eat, the very air that we breathe, are threatened with pollution. our parks are overcrowded, our seashores

overburdened. green fields and dense forests are disappearing.

a few years ago we were greatly concerned about the "ugly american." today we must act to prevent an ugly america. for once the battle is lost, once our natural splendor is

destroyed, it can never be recaptured. and once man can no longer walk with beauty or wonder at nature his spirit will wither and his sustenance be wasted.

a third place to build the great society is in the classrooms of america. there your children's lives will be shaped. our society will not be great until every young mind is set free to scan the farthest reaches of thought and imagination. we are still far from that goal. today, 8 million adult americans, more than the entire population of michigan, have not finished 5 years of school. nearly 20 million have not finished 8 years of school. nearly 54 million -- more than one quarter of all america -- have not even finished high school.

each year more than 100,000 high school graduates, with

proved ability, do not enter college because they cannot afford it. and if we cannot educate today's youth, what will we do in 1970 when elementary school enrollment will be 5 million greater than 1960? and high school enrollment will rise by 5 million. and college enrollment will increas(来源 好范文网www.hAoWOrd.com)e by more than 3 million.

in many places, classrooms are overcrowded and curricula are outdated. most of our qualified teachers are underpaid and many of our paid teachers are unqualified. so we must give every child a place to sit and a teacher to learn from. poverty must not be a bar to learning, and learning must offer an escape from poverty.

but more classrooms and more teachers are not enough. we must seek an educational system which grows in excellence as it grows in size. this means better training for our teachers. it means preparing youth to enjoy their hours of leisure as well as their hours of labor. it means exploring new techniques of

teaching, to find new ways to stimulate the love of learning and the capacity for creation.

these are three of the central issues of the great society. while our government has many programs directed at those issues, i do not pretend that we have the full answer to those problems. but i do promise this: we are going to assemble the best

thought and the broadest knowledge from all over the world to find those answers for america.

i intend to establish working groups to prepare a series of white house conferences and meetings -- on the cities, on natural beauty, on the quality of education, and on other emerging challenges. and from these meetings and from this inspiration and from these studies we will begin to set our course toward the great society.

the solution to these problems does not rest on a massive program in washington, nor can it rely solely on the strained resources of local authority. they require us to create new concepts of cooperation, a creative federalism, between the national capital and the leaders of local communities.

woodrow wilson once wrote: "every man sent out from his university should be a man of his nation as well as a man of his time."

within your lifetime powerful forces, already loosed, will take us toward a way of life beyond the realm of our experience, almost beyond the bounds of our imagination.

for better or for worse, your generation has been appointed by history to deal with those problems and to lead america toward a new age. you have the chance never before afforded to any people in any age. you can help build a society where the

demands of morality, and the needs of the spirit, can be realized in the life of the nation.

so, will you join in the battle to give every citizen the full

equality which god enjoins and the law requires, whatever his belief, or race, or the color of his skin?

will you join in the battle to give every citizen an escape from the crushing weight of poverty?

will you join in the battle to make it possible for all nations to live in enduring peace -- as neighbors and not as mortal enemies?

will you join in the battle to build the great society, to prove that our material progress is only the foundation on which we will build a richer life of mind and spirit?

there are those timid souls that say this battle cannot be won; that we are condemned to a soulless wealth. i do not agree. we have the power to shape the civilization that we want. but we need your will and your labor and your hearts, if we are to build that kind of society.

those who came to this land sought to build more than just a new country. they sought a new world. so i have come here today to your campus to say that you can make their vision our reality. so let us from this moment begin our work so that in the future men will look back and say: it was then, after a long and weary way, that man turned the exploits of his genius to the full enrichment of his life.

thank you. good-bye.

第五篇：美国经典英文演讲100篇the_marshall_plan

美国经典英文演讲100篇:"the marshall plan"george c. marshall

the marshall plan

[authenticity certified: text version below transcribed directly from audio.]

mr. president, dr. conant, members of the board of overseers, ladies and gentlemen:

i am profoundly grateful, touched by the great distinction and honor and great compliment accorded me by the authorities of harvard this morning. i am overwhelmed, as a matter of fact, and i am rather fearful of my inability to maintain such a high rating as you've been generous enough to accord to me. in these historic and lovely surroundings, this perfect day, and this very wonderful assembly, it is a tremendously impressive thing to an individual in my position.

but to speak more seriously, i need not tell you that the world situation is very serious. that must be apparent to all intelligent people. i think one difficulty is that the problem is one of such enormous complexity that the very mass of facts presented to the public by press and radio make it exceedingly difficult for the man in the street to reach a clear appraisement of the situation. furthermore, the people of this country are distant from the troubled areas of the earth, and it is hard for them to comprehend the plight and consequent reactions of the long-suffering peoples of europe and the effect of those

reactions on their governments in connection with our efforts to promote peace in the world.

in considering the requirements for the rehabilitation of europe, the physical loss of life, the visible destruction of cities, factories, mines, and railroads was correctly estimated, but it has become obvious during recent months that this visible destruction was probably less serious than the dislocation of the entire fabric of european economy. for the past ten years conditions have been highly abnormal. the feverish preparation for war and the more feverish maintenance of the war effort engulfed all aspects of

national economies. machinery has fallen into disrepair or is entirely obsolete. under the arbitrary and destructive nazi rule, virtually every possible enterprise was geared into the german war machine. long-standing commercial ties, private

institutions, banks, insurance companies, and shipping companies disappeared through loss of capital, absorption through nationalization, or by simple destruction. in many countries, confidence in the local currency has been severely shaken. the breakdown of the business structure of europe during the war was complete. recovery has been seriously

retarded by the fact that two years after the close of hostilities a peace settlement with germany and austria has not been

agreed upon. but even given a more prompt solution of these difficult problems, the rehabilitation of the economic structure of europe quite evidently will require a much longer time and greater effort than had been foreseen.

there is a phase of this matter which is both interesting and serious. the farmer has always produced the foodstuffs to exchange with the city dweller for the other necessities of life. this division of labor is the basis of modern civilization. at the present time it is threatened with breakdown. the town and city industries are not producing adequate goods to exchange with the food-producing farmer. raw materials and fuel are in short supply. machinery, as i have said, is lacking or worn out. the farmer or the peasant cannot find the goods for sale which he desires to purchase. so the sale of his farm produce for money which he cannot use seems to him an unprofitable transaction. he, therefore, has withdrawn many fields from crop cultivation and he's using them for grazing. he feeds more grain to stock and finds for himself and his family an ample supply of food, however short he may be on clothing and the other ordinary gadgets of civilization.

meanwhile, people in the cities are short of food and fuel, and in some places approaching the starvation levels. so, the

governments are forced to use their foreign money and credits to procure these necessities abroad. this process exhausts funds which are urgently needed for reconstruction. thus, a very serious situation is rapidly developing which bodes no good

for the world. the modern system of the division of labor upon which the exchange of products is based is in danger of breaking down. the truth of the matter is that europe's requirements for the next three or four years of foreign food and other essential products -- principally from america -- are so much greater than her present ability to pay that she must have substantial additional help or face economic, social, and political

deterioration of a very grave character.

the remedy seems to lie in breaking the vicious circle and

restoring the confidence of the people of europe in the economic future of their own countries and of europe as a whole. the manufacturer and the farmer throughout wide areas must be able and willing to exchange their product for currencies, the continuing value of which is not open to question.

aside from the demoralizing effect on the world at large and the possibilities of disturbances arising as a result of the desperation of the people concerned, the consequences to the economy of the united states should be apparent to all. it is logical that the united states should do whatever it is able to do to assist in the return of normal economic health in the world, without which there can be no political stability and no assured peace. our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos. its purpose should be the revival of a working economy in the world so as to permit the emergence of political and social conditions in which free institutions can exist.

such assistance, i am convinced, must not be on a piecemeal basis, as various crises develop. any assistance that this government may render in the future should provide a cure rather than a mere palliative. any government that is willing to assist in the task of recovery will find full cooperation, i am sure, on the part of the united states government. any government which maneuvers to block the recovery of other countries cannot expect help from us. furthermore, governments, political parties, or groups which seek to perpetuate human misery in order to profit there from politically or otherwise will encounter the opposition of the united states.

it is already evident that before the united states government can proceed much further in its efforts to alleviate the situation and help start the european world on its way to recovery, there must be some agreement among the countries of europe as to the requirements of the situation and the part those countries themselves will take in order to give a proper effect to whatever actions might be undertaken by this government. it would be neither fitting nor efficacious for our government to undertake to draw up unilaterally a program designed to place europe on its feet economically. this is the business of the europeans. the initiative, i think, must come from europe. the role of this country should consist of friendly aid in the drafting of a

european program and of later support of such a program so far as it may be practical for us to do so. the program should be a joint one, agreed to by a number, if not all, european nations. an essential part of any successful action on the part of the united states is an understanding on the part of the people of america of the character of the problem and the remedies to be applied. political passion and prejudice should have no part. with foresight, and a willingness on the part of our people to face up to the vast responsibility which history has clearly

placed upon our country, the difficulties i have outlined can and will be overcome.

i am sorry that on each occasion i have said something publicly in regard to our international situation, i have been forced by the necessities of the case to enter into rather technical

discussions. but, to my mind, it is of vast importance that our people reach some general understanding of what the

complications really are, rather than react from a passion or a prejudice or an emotion of the moment.

as i said more formally a moment ago, we are remote from the scene of these troubles. it is virtually impossible at this distance merely by reading, or listening, or even seeing photographs and motion pictures, to grasp at all the real significance of the situation. and yet the whole world of the future hangs on a proper judgment. it hangs, i think, to a large extent on the realization of the american people, of just what are the various

dominant factors. what are the reactions of the people? what are the justifications of those reactions? what are the sufferings? what is needed? what can best be done? what must be done? thank you very much.