目录
- 第一篇：名人英语演讲稿
- 第二篇：名人英语演讲稿：the banking crisis
- 第三篇：名人名校励志英语演讲稿
- 第四篇：名人演讲稿
- 第五篇：名人英语演讲
- 更多相关范文
正文
第一篇：名人英语演讲稿
名人英语演讲稿
tribute to diana
致戴安娜——查尔斯·斯宾塞
diana was the very essence of compassion, of duty, of style, of beauty. all over the world she was a symbol of selfless humanity. all over the world, a standard bearer for the right of the truly downtrodden, a very british girl who transcend nationality, someone with a natural nobility who was classless.
在全世界，戴安娜是同情心、责任心、风度和美丽的化身，是无私和人道的象征，是维护真正被践踏的权益的旗手，是一个超越国界的英国女孩，是一个带有自然的高贵气质的人，是一个不分阶层的人。
this is the text of earl spencer's tribute to his sister at her funeral. there is some very deep, powerful and heartfelt sentiment. would that those at whom it is aimed would take heed. the versions posted on several news services had minor errors. this is precisely as it was deliverd.
i stand before you today the representative of a family in grief, in a country in mourning before a world in shock.
we are all united not only in our desire to pay our respects to diana but rather in our need to do so.
for such was her extraordinary appeal that the tens of millions of people taking part in this service all over the world via television and radio who never actually met her, feel that they, too, lost someone close to them in the early hours of sunday morning. it is a more remarkable tribute to diana than i can ever hope to offer her today.
diana was the very essence of compassion, of duty, of style, of beauty. all over the world she was a symbol of selfless humanity, a standard-bearer for the rights of the truly downtrodden, a very british girl who transcended nationality, someone with a natural nobility who was classless, who proved in the last year that she needed no royal title to continue to generate her particular brand of magic.
today is our chance to say "thank you" for the way you brightened our lives, even though god granted you but half a life. we will all feel cheated, always, that you were taken from us so young and yet we must learn to be grateful that you came along at all.
only now you are gone do we truly appreciate what we are now without and we want you to know that life without you is very, very difficult.
we have all despaired at our loss over the past week and only the strength of the message you gave us through your years of giving has afforded us the strength to move forward.
there is a temptation to rush to canonize your memory. there is no need to do so. you stand tall enough as a human being of unique qualities not to need to be seen as a saint. indeed to sanctify your memory would be to miss out on the very core of your being, your wonderfully mischievous sense of humor with the laugh that bent you double, your joy for life transmitted wherever you took your smile, and the sparkle in those unforgettable eyes, your boundless energy which you could barely contain.
but your greatest gift was your intuition, and it was a gift you used wisely. this is what underpinned all your wonderful attributes. and if we look to analyze what it was about you that had such a wide appeal, we find it in your instinctive feel for what was really important in all our lives.
without your god-given sensitivity, we would be immersed in greater ignorance at the anguish of aids and hiv sufferers, the plight of the homeless, the isolation of lepers, the random destruction of land mines. diana explained to me once that it was her innermost feelings of suffering that made it possible for her to connect with her constituency of the rejected.
and here we come to another truth about her. for all the status, the glamour, the applause, diana remained throughout a very insecure person at heart, almost childlike in her desire to do good for others so she could release herself from deep feelings of unworthiness of which her eating disorders were merely a symptom.
the world sensed this part of her character and cherished her for her vulnerability, whilst admiring her for her honesty. the last time i saw diana was on july the first, her birthday, in london, when typically she was not taking time to celebrate her special day with friends but was guest of honor at a fund-raising charity evening.
she sparkled of course, but i would rather cherish the days i spent with her in march when she came to visit me and my children in our home in south africa. i am proud of the fact that apart from when she was on public display meeting president mandela, we managed to contrive to stop the ever-present paparazzi from getting a single picture of her.
that meant a lot to her.
these were days i will always treasure. it was as if we'd been transported back to our childhood, when we spent such an enormous amount of time together, the two youngest in the family.
fundamentally she hadn't changed at all from the big sister who mothered me as a baby, fought with me at school and endured those long train journeys between our parents' homes with me at weekends. it is a tribute to her level-headedness and strength that despite the most bizarre life imaginable after her childhood, she remained intact, true to herself.
there is no doubt that she was looking for a new direction in her life at this time. she talked
endlessly of getting away from england, mainly because of the treatment she received at the hands of the newspapers.
i don't think she ever understood why her genuinely good intentions were sneered at by the media, why there appeared to be a permanent quest on their behalf to bring her down. it is baffling. my own, and only, explanation is that genuine goodness is threatening to those at the opposite end of the moral spectrum.
it is a point to remember that of all the ironies about diana, perhaps the greatest was this; that a girl given the name of the ancient goddess of hunting was, in the end, the most hunted person of the modern age.
she would want us today to pledge ourselves to protecting her beloved boys william and harry from a similar fate. and i do this here, diana, on your behalf. we will not allow them to suffer the anguish that used regularly to drive you to tearful despair.
beyond that, on behalf of your mother and sisters, i pledge that we, your blood family, will do all we can to continue the imaginative and loving way in which you were steering these two exceptional young men, so that their souls are not simply immersed by duty and tradition but can sing openly as you planned.
we fully respect the heritage into which they have both been born, and will always respect and encourage them in their royal role. but we, like you, recognize the need for them to experience as many different aspects of life as possible, to arm them spiritually and emotionally for the years ahead. i know you would have expected nothing less from us.
william and harry, we all care desperately for you today. we are all chewed up with sadness at the loss of a woman who wasn't even our mother. how great your suffering is we cannot even imagine.
i would like to end by thanking god for the small mercies he has shown us at this dreadful time; for taking diana at her most beautiful and radiant and when she had joy in her private life.
above all, we give thanks for the life of a woman i am so proud to be able to call my sister: the unique the complex, the extraordinary and irreplaceable diana, whose beauty, both internal and external, will never be extinguished from our minds.
第二篇：名人英语演讲稿：the banking crisis
my friends:
i want to talk for a few minutes with the people of the united states about banking -- to talk with the comparatively few who understand the mechanics of banking, but more particularly with the overwhelming majority of you who use banks for the making of deposits and the drawing of checks.
i want to tell you what has been done in the last few days, and why it was done, and what the next steps are going to be. i recognize that the many proclamations from state capitols and from washington, the legislation, the treasury regulations, and so forth, couched for the most part in banking and legal terms, out to be explained for the benefit of the average citizen. i owe this, in particular, because of the fortitude and the good temper with which everybody has accepted the inconvenience and hardships of the banking holiday. and i know that when you understand what we in washington have been about, i shall continue to have your cooperation as fully as i have had your sympathy and your help during the past week.
first of all, let me state the simple fact that when you deposit money in a bank, the bank does not put the money into a safe deposit vault. it invests your money in many different forms of credit -- in bonds, in commercial paper, in mortgages and in many other kinds of loans. in other words, the bank puts your money to work to keep the wheels of industry and of agriculture turning around. a comparatively small part of the money that you put into the bank is kept in currency -- an amount which in normal times is wholly sufficient to cover the cash needs of the average citizen. in other words, the total amount of all the currency in the country is only a comparatively small proportion of the total deposits in all the banks of the country.
what, then, happened during the last few days of february and the first few days of march? because of undermined confidence on the part of the public, there was a general rush by a large portion of our population to turn bank deposits into currency or gold -- a rush so great that the soundest banks couldn't get enough currency to meet the demand. the reason for this was that on the spur of the moment it was, of course, impossible to sell perfectly sound assets of a bank and convert them into cash, except at panic prices far below their real value. by the afternoon of march third, a week ago last friday, scarcely a bank in the country was open to do business. proclamations closing them, in whole or in part, had been issued by the governors in almost all the states. it was then that i issued the proclamation providing for the national bank holiday, and this was the first step in the government’s reconstruction of our financial and economic fabric.
the second step, last thursday, was the legislation promptly and patriotically passed by the congress confirming my proclamation and broadening my powers so that it became possible in view of the requirement of time to extend the holiday and lift the ban of that holiday gradually in the days to come. this law also gave authority to develop a program of rehabilitation of our banking facilities. and i want to tell our citizens in every part of the nation that the national congress -- republicans and democrats alike -- showed by this action a devotion to public welfare and a realization of the emergency and the necessity for speed that it is difficult to match in all our history.
the third stage has been the series of regulations permitting the banks to continue their functions to take care of the distribution of food and household necessities and the payment of payrolls.
this bank holiday, while resulting in many cases in great inconvenience, is affording us the opportunity to supply the currency necessary to meet the situation. remember that no sound bank is a dollar worse off than it was when it closed its doors last week. neither is any bank which may turn out not to be in a position for immediate opening. the new law allows the twelve federal reserve banks to issue additional currency on good assets and thus the banks that reopen will be able to meet every legitimate call. the new currency is being sent out by the bureau of engraving and printing in large volume to every part of the country. it is sound currency because it is backed by actual, good assets.
another question you will ask is this: why are all the banks not to be reopened at the same time? the answer is simple and i know you will understand it: your government does not intend that the history of the past few years shall be repeated. we do not want and will not have another epidemic of bank failures.
as a result, we start tomorrow, monday, with the opening of banks in the twelve federal reserve bank cities -- those banks, which on first examination by the treasury, have already been found to be all right. that will be followed on tuesday by the resumption of all other functions by banks already found to be sound in cities where there are recognized clearing houses. that means about two hundred and fifty cities of the united states. in other words, we are moving as fast as the mechanics of the situation will allow us.
on wednesday and succeeding days, banks in smaller places all through the country will resume business, subject, of course, to the government's physical ability to complete its survey it is necessary that the reopening of banks be extended over a period in order to permit the banks to make applications for the necessary loans, to obtain currency needed to meet their requirements, and to enable the government to make common sense checkups.
please let me make it clear to you that if your bank does not open the first day you are by no means justified in believing that it will not open. a bank that opens on one of the subsequent days is in exactly the same status as the bank that opens tomorrow.
i know that many people are worrying about state banks that are not members of the federal reserve system. there is no occasion for that worry. these banks can and will receive assistance from member banks and from the reconstruction finance corporation. and, of course, they are under the immediate control of the state banking authorities. these state banks are following the same course as the national banks except that they get their licenses to resume business from the state authorities, and these authorities have been asked by the secretary of the treasury to permit their good banks to open up on the same schedule as the national banks. and so i am confident that the state banking departments will be as careful as the national government in the policy relating to the opening of banks and will follow the same broad theory.
it is possible that when the banks resume a very few people who have not recovered from their fear may again begin withdrawals. let me make it clear to you that the banks will take care of all needs, except, of course, the hysterical demands of hoarders, and it is my belief that hoarding during the past week has become an exceedingly unfashionable pastime in every part of our nation. it needs no prophet to tell you that when the people find that they can get their money -- that they can get it when they want it for all legitimate purposes -- the phantom of fear will soon be laid. people will again be glad to have their money where it will be safely taken care of and where they can use it conveniently at any time. i can assure you, my friends, that it is safer to keep your money in a reopened bank than it is to keep it under the mattress.
the success of our whole national program depends, of course, on the cooperation of the public -- on its intelligent support and its use of a reliable system.
remember that the essential accomplishment of the new legislation is that it makes it possible for banks more readily to convert their assets into cash than was the case before. more liberal provision has been made for banks to borrow on these assets at the reserve banks and more liberal provision has also been made for issuing currency on the security of these good assets. this currency is not fiat currency. it is issued only on adequate security, and every good bank has an abundance of such security.
one more point before i close. there will be, of course, some banks unable to reopen without being reorganized. the new law allows the government to assist in making these reorganizations quickly and effectively and even allows the government to subscribe to at least a part of any new capital that may be required.
i hope you can see, my friends, from this essential recital of what your government is doing that there is nothing complex, nothing radical in the process.
we have had a bad banking situation. some of our bankers had shown themselves either incompetent or dishonest in their handling of the people’s funds. they had used the money entrusted to them in speculations and unwise loans. this was, of course, not true in the vast majority of our banks, but it was true in enough of them to shock the people of the united states, for a time, into a sense of insecurity and to put them into a frame of mind where they did not differentiate, but seemed to assume that the acts of a comparative few had tainted them all. and so it became the government’s job to straighten out this situation and do it as quickly as possible. and that job is being performed.
i do not promise you that every bank will be reopened or that individual losses will not be suffered, but there will be no losses that possibly could be avoided; and there would have been more and greater losses had we continued to drift. i can even promise you salvation for some, at least, of the sorely presses banks. we shall be engaged not merely in reopening sound banks but in the creation of more sound banks through reorganization.
it has been wonderful to me to catch the note of confidence from all over the country. i can never be sufficiently grateful to the people for the loyal support that they have given me in their acceptance of the judgment that has dictated our course, even though all our processes may not have seemed clear to them.
after all, there is an element in the readjustment of our financial system more important than currency, more important than gold, and that is the confidence of the people themselves. confidence and courage are the essentials of success in carrying out our plan. you people must have faith; you must not be stampeded by rumors or guesses. let us unite in banishing fear. we have provided the machinery to restore our financial system, and it is up to you to support and make it work.
it is your problem, my friends, your problem no less than it is mine.
together we cannot fail.
第三篇：名人名校励志英语演讲稿
dare to compete, dare to care 敢于竞争，勇于关爱---美国国务卿希拉里·克林顿耶鲁大学演讲
dare to compete. dare to care. dare to dream. dare to love. practice the art of making possible. and no matter what happens, even if you hear shouts behind, keep going. 要敢于竞争，敢于关爱，敢于憧憬，大胆去爱！要努力创造奇迹！无论发生什么，即使有人在你背后大声喊叫，也要勇往直前。
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it is such an honor and pleasure for me to be back at yale, especially on the occasion of the 300th anniversary. i have had so many memories of my time here, and as nick was speaking i thought about how i ended up at yale law school. and it tells a little bit about how much progress we’ve made.
what i think most about when i think of yale is not just the politically charged atmosphere and not even just the superb legal education that i received. it was at yale that i began work that has been at the core of what i have cared about ever since. i began working with new haven legal services representing children. and i studied child development, abuse and neglect at the yale new haven hospital and the child study center. i was lucky enough to receive a civil rights internship with marian wright edelman at the children’s defense fund, where i went to work after i graduated. those experiences fueled in me a passion to work for the benefit of children, particularly the most vulnerable.
now, looking back, there is no way that i could have predicted what path my life would have taken. i didn’t sit around the law school, saying, well, you know, i think i’ll graduate and then i’ll go to work at the children’s defense fund, and then the impeachment inquiry, and nixon retired or resigns, i’ll go to arkansas. i didn’t think like that. i was taking each day at a time.
but, i’ve been very fortunate because i’ve always had an idea in my mind about what i thought was important and what gave my life meaning and purpose. a set of values and beliefs that have helped me navigate the shoals, the sometimes very treacherous sea, to illuminate my own true desires, despite that others say about what l should care about and believe in. a passion to succeed at what l thought was important and children have always provided that lone star, that guiding light. because l have that absolute conviction that every child, especially in this, the most blessed of nations that has ever existed on the face of earth, that every child deserves the opportunity to live up to his or her god-given potential.
but you know that belief and conviction-it may make for a personal mission statement, but standing alone, not translated into action, it means very little to anyone else, particularly to those for whom you have those concerns.
when i was thinking about running for the united states senate-which was such an enormous decision to make, one i never could have dreamed that i would have been making when i was
here on campus-i visited a school in new york city and i met a young woman, who was a star athlete.
i was there because of billy jean king promoting an hbo special about women in sports called “dare to compete.” it was about title ix and how we finally, thanks to government action, provided opportunities to girls and women in sports.
and although i played not very well at intramural sports, i have always been a strong supporter of women in sports. and i was introduced by this young woman, and as i went to shake her hand she obviously had been reading the newspapers about people saying i should or shouldn’t run for the senate. and i was congratulating her on the speech she had just made and she held onto my hand and she said, “dare to compete, mrs. clinton. dare to compete.”
i took that to heart because it is hard to compete sometimes, especially in public ways, when your failures are there for everyone to see and you don’t know what is going to happen from one day to the next. and yet so much of life, whether we like to accept it or not, is competing with ourselves to be the best we can be, being involved in classes or professions or just life, where we know we are competing with others.
i took her advice and i did compete because i chose to do so. and the biggest choices that you’ll face in your life will be yours alone to make. i’m sure you’ll receive good advice. you’re got a great education to go back and reflect about what is right for you, but you eventually will have to choose and i hope that you will dare to compete. and by that i don’t mean the kind of cutthroat competition that is too often characterized by what is driving america today. i mean the small voice inside you that says to you, you can do it, you can take this risk, you can take this next step.
and it doesn’t mean that once having made that choice you will always succeed. in fact, you won’t. there are setbacks and you will experience difficult disappointments. you will be slowed down and sometimes the breath will just be knocked out of you. but if you carry with you the values and beliefs that you can make a difference in your own life, first and foremost, and then in the lives of others. you can get back up, you can keep going.
but it is also important, as i have found, not to take yourself too seriously, because after all, every one of us here today, none of us is deserving of full credit. i think every day of the blessings my birth gave me without any doing of my own. i chose neither my family nor my country, but they as much as anything i’ve ever done, determined my course.
you compare my or your circumstances with those of the majority of people who’ve ever lived or who are living right now, they too often are born knowing too well what their futures will be. they lack the freedom to choose their life’s path. they’re imprisoned by circumstances of poverty and ignorance, bigotry, disease, hunger, oppression and war.
so, dare to compete, yes, but maybe even more difficult, dare to care. dare to care about people who need our help to succeed and fulfill their own lives. there are so many out there and
sometimes all it takes is the simplest of gestures or helping hands and many of you understand that already. i know that the numbers of graduates in the last 20 years have worked in community organizations, have tutored, have committed themselves to religious activities.
you have been there trying to serve because you have believed both that it was the right thing to do and because it gave something back to you. you have dared to care.
well, dare to care to fight for equal justice for all, for equal pay for women, against hate crimes and bigotry. dare to care about public schools without qualified teachers or adequate resources. dare to care about protecting our environment. dare to care about the 10 million children in our country who lack health insurance. dare to care about the one and a half million children who have a parent in jail. the seven million people who suffer from hiv/aids. and thank you for caring enough to demand that our nation do more to help those that are suffering throughout this world with hiv/aids, to prevent this pandemic from spreading even further.
and i’ll also add, dare enough to care about our political process. you know, as i go and speak with students i’m impressed so much, not only in formal settings, on campuses, but with my daughter and her friends, about how much you care, about how willing you are to volunteer and serve. you may have missed the last wave of the dot.com revolution, but you’ve understood that the dot.community revolution is there for you every single day. and you’ve been willing to be part of remarking lives in our community.
and yet, there is a real resistance, a turning away from the political process. i hope that some of you will be public servants and will even run for office yourself, not to win a position to make and impression on your friends at your 20th reunion, but because you understand how important it is for each of us as citizens to make a commitment to our democracy.
your generation, the first one born after the social upheavals of the 60’s and 70’s, in the midst of the technological advances of the 80’s and 90’s, are inheriting an economy, a society and a government that has yet to understand fully, or even come to grips with, our rapidly changing world.
and so bring your values and experiences and insights into politics. dare to help make, not just a difference in politics, but create a different politics. some have called you the generation of choice. you’ve been raised with multiple choice tests, multiple channels, multiple websites and multiple lifestyles. you’ve grown up choosing among alternatives that were either not imagined, create(推荐打开范文网wWW.hAoword.com)d or available to people in prior generations.
you’ve been invested with far more personal power to customize your life, to make more free choices about how to live than was ever thought possible. and i think as i look at all the surveys and research that is done, your choices reflect not only freedom, but personal responsibility.
the social indicators, not the headlines, the social indicators tell a positive story: drug use and cheating and arrests being down, been pregnancy and suicides, drunk driving deaths being down.
community service and religious involvement being up. but if you look at the area of voting among 18 to 29 year olds, the numbers tell a far more troubling tale. many of you i know believe that service and community volunteerism is a better way of solving the issues facing our country than political engagement, because you believe-choose one of the following multiples or choose them all-government either can’t understand or won’t make the right choices because of political pressures, inefficiency, incompetence or big money influence.
well, i admit there is enough truth in that critique to justify feeling disconnected and alienated. but at bottom, that’s a personal cop-out and a national peril. political conditions maximize the conditions for individual opportunity and responsibility as well as community. americorps and the peace corps exist because of political decisions. our air, water, land and food will be clean and safe because of political choices. our ability to cure disease or log onto the internet have been advanced because of politically determined investments. ethnic cleansing in kosovo ended because of political leadership. your parents and grandparents traveled here by means of government built and subsidized transportation systems. many used gi bills or government loans, as i did, to attend college.
now, i could, as you might guess, go on and on, but the point is to remind us all that government is us and each generation has to stake its claim. and, as stakeholders, you will have to decide whether or not to make the choice to participate. it is hard and it is, bringing change in a democracy, particularly now. there’s so much about our modern times that conspire to lower our sights, to weaken our vision-as individuals and communities and even nations.
it is not the vast conspiracy you may have heard about; rather it’s a silent conspiracy of cynicism and indifference and alienation that we see every day, in our popular culture and in our prodigious consumerism.
but as many have said before and as vaclav havel has said to memorably, “it cannot suffice just to invent new machines, new regulations and new institutions. it is necessary to understand differently and more perfectly the true purpose of our existence on this earth and of our deeds.” and i think we are called on to reject, in this time of blessings that we enjoy, those who will tear us apart and tear us down and instead to liberate our god-given spirit, by being willing to dare to dream of a better world.
during my campaign, when times were tough and days were long i used to think about the example of harriet tubman, a heroic new yorker, a 19th century moses, who risked her life to bring hundreds of slaves to freedom. she would say to those who she gathered up in the south where she kept going back year after year from the safety of auburn, new york, that no matter what happens, they had to keep going. if they heard shouts behind them, they had to keep going. if they heard gunfire or dogs, they had to keep going to freedom. well, those aren’t the risks we face. it is more the silence and apathy and indifference that dogs our heels.
thirty-two years ago, i spoke at my own graduation from wellesley, where i did call on my fellow classmates to reject the notion of limitations on our ability to effect change and instead to
embrace the idea that the goal of education should be human liberation and the freedom to practice with all the skill of our being the art of making possible.
for after all, our fate is to be free. to choose competition over apathy, caring over indifference, vision over myopia, and love over hate.
just as this is a special time in your lives, it is for me as well because my daughter will be graduating in four weeks, graduating also from a wonderful place with a great education and beginning a new life. and as i think about all the parents and grandparents who are out there, i have a sense of what their feeling. their hearts are leaping with joy, but it’s hard to keep tears in check because the presence of our children at a time and place such as this is really a fulfillment of our own american dreams. well, i applaud you and all of your love, commitment and hard work, just as i applaud your daughters and sons for theirs.
and i leave these graduates with the same message i hope to leave with my graduate. dare to compete. dare to care. dare to dream. dare to love. practice the art of making possible. and no matter what happens, even if you hear shouts behind, keep going.
thank you and god bless you all.
第四篇：名人演讲稿
【在怀疑的时代依然需要信仰】人民日报评论部主任卢新宁在北大中文系毕业典礼上的讲话 2014年07月10日 23:22:14
敬爱的老师和亲爱的同学们：
上午好！
谢谢你们叫我回家。让我有幸再次聆听老师的教诲，分享我亲爱的学弟学妹们的特殊喜悦。
一进家门，光阴倒转，刚才那些美好的视频，同学的发言，老师的讲话，都让我觉得所有年轻的故事都不曾走远。可是，站在你们面前，亲爱的同学们，我才发现，自己真的老了。1988年，我本科毕业的时候，你们中的绝大多数人还没有出生。那个时候你们的朗朗部长还是众女生仰慕的帅师兄，你们的渭毅老师正与我的同屋女孩爱得地老天荒。而现在他们的孩子都该考大学了。
就像刚才那首歌唱的，“记忆中最美的春天，难以再回首的昨天”。如果把生活比作一段将理想“变现”的历程，我们只是一叠面额有限的现钞，而你们是即将上市的股票。从一张白纸起步的书写，前程无远弗届，一切皆有可能。面对你们，我甚至缺少一分抒发“过来人”心得的勇气。
但我先生力劝我来，我的朋友也劝我来，他们都是84级的中文系学长。今天，他们有的仍然是一介文人，清贫淡泊；有的已经主政一方，功成名就；有的发了财做了“富二代”的爹，也有的离了婚、生活并不如意，但在网上交流时，听说有今天这样一个机会，他们都无一例外地让我一定要来，代表他们，代表那一代人，向自己的弟弟妹妹说点什么。
是的，跟你们一样，我们曾在中文系就读，甚至读过同一门课程，青涩的背影都曾被燕园的阳光，定格在五院青藤缠满的绿墙上。但那是上个世纪的事了，我们之间横亘着20多年的时光。那个时候我们称为理想的，今天或许你们笑称其为空想；那时的我们流行书生论政，今天的你们要面对诫勉谈话；那时的我们熟悉的热词是民主、自由，今天的你们记住的是“拼爹”、“躲猫猫”、“打酱油”；那个时候的我们喜欢在三角地游荡，而今天的你们习惯隐形于伟大的互联网。
我们那时的中国依然贫穷却豪情万丈，而今天这个世界第二大经济体，还在苦苦寻找迷失的幸福，无数和你们一样的青年喜欢用“囧”形容自己的处境。
20多年时光，中国到底走了多远？存放我们青春记忆的“三角地”早已荡然无存，见证你们少年心绪的“一塔湖图”正在创造新的历史。你们这一代人，有着远比我们当年更优越的条件，更广博的见识，更成熟的内心，站在更高的起点。
我们想说的是，站在这样高的起点，由北大中文系出发，你们不缺前辈大师的庇荫，更不少历史文化的熏染。《诗经》《楚辞》的世界，老庄孔孟的思想，李白杜甫的词章，构成了你们生命中最为激荡的青春时光。我不需要提醒你们，未来将如何以具体琐碎消磨这份浪漫
与绚烂；也不需要提醒你们，人生将以怎样的平庸世故，消解你们的万丈雄心；更不需要提醒你们，走入社会，要如何变得务实与现实，因为你们终将以一生浸淫其中。
我唯一的害怕，是你们已经不相信了——不相信规则能战胜潜规则，不相信学场有别于官场，不相信学术不等于权术，不相信风骨远胜于媚骨。你们或许不相信了，因为追求级别的越来越多，追求真理的越来越少；讲待遇的越来越多，讲理想的越来越少；大官越来越多，大师越来越少。因此，在你们走向社会之际，我想说的只是，请看护好你曾经的激情和理想。在这个怀疑的时代，我们依然需要信仰。
也许有同学会笑话，大师姐写社论写多了吧，这么高的调子。可如果我告诉各位，这是我的那些中文系同学，那些不管今天处于怎样的职位，遭遇过怎样的人生的同学共同的想法，你们是否会稍微有些重视？是否会多想一下为什么二十多年过去，他们依然如此？
我知道，与我们这一代相比，你们这一代人的社会化远在你们踏上社会之前就已经开始了，国家的盛世集中在你们的大学时代，但社会的问题也凸显在你们的青春岁月。你们有我们不曾拥有的机遇，但也有我们不曾经历的挑战。
文学理论无法识别毒奶粉的成分，古典文献挡不住地沟油的泛滥。当利益成为唯一的价值，很多人把信仰、理想、道德都当成交易的筹码，我很担心，“怀疑”会不会成为我们时代否定一切、解构一切的“粉碎机”？我们会不会因为心灰意冷而随波逐流，变成钱理群先生所言“精致利己主义”，世故老到，善于表演，懂得配合？而北大会不会像那个日本年轻人所说的，“有的是人才，却并不培养精英”？
我有一位清华毕业的同事，从大学开始，就自称是“北大的跟屁虫”。对北大人甚是敬重。谈到“大清王朝北大荒”江湖传言，他特认真地对我说：“这个社会更需要的，不是北大人的适应，而是北大人的坚守。”
这让我想起中文系百年时，陈平原先生的一席话。他提到西南联大时的老照片给自己的感动：一群衣衫褴褛的知识分子，器宇轩昂地屹立于天地间。这应当就是国人眼里北大人的形象。不管将来的你们身处何处，不管将来的你们从事什么职业，是否都能常常自问，作为北大人，我们是否还存有那种浩然之气？那种精神的魅力，充实的人生，“天地之心、生民之命、往圣绝学”，是否还能在我们心中激起共鸣？
马克思曾慨叹，法兰西不缺少有智慧的人但缺少有骨气的人。今天的中国，同样不缺少有智慧的人但缺少有信仰的人。也正因此，中文系给我们的教育，才格外珍贵。从母校的教诲出发，20多年社会生活给的我最大启示是：当许多同龄人都陷于时代的车轮下，那些能幸免的人，不仅因为坚强，更因为信仰。不用害怕圆滑的人说你不够成熟，不用在意聪明的人说你不够明智，不要照原样接受别人推荐给你的生活，选择坚守、选择理想，选择倾听内心的呼唤，才能拥有最饱满的人生。
梁漱溟先生写过一本书《这个世界会好吗？》。我很喜欢这个书名，它以朴素的设问提出了人生的大问题。这个世界会好吗？事在人为，未来中国的分量和质量，就在各位的手上。
最后，我想将一位学者的话送给亲爱的学弟学妹——无论中国怎样，请记得：你所站立
的地方，就是你的中国；你怎么样，中国便怎么样；你是什么，中国便是什么；你有光明，中国便不再黑暗。
第五篇：名人英语演讲
harry s. truman: "the truman doctrine"
mr. president, mr. speaker, members of the congress of the <?xml:namespace prefix = st1 ns = "urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:smarttags" />
the gravity of the situation which confronts the world today necessitates my appearance before a joint session of the congress. the foreign policy and the national security of this country are involved. one aspect of the present situation, which i present to you at this time for your consideration and decision, concerns
i do not believe that the american people and the congress wish to turn a deaf ear to the appeal of the greek government.
when forces of liberation entered
the very existence of the greek state is today threatened by the terrorist activities of several thousand armed men, led by communists, who defy the government's authority at a number of points, particularly along the northern boundaries. a commission appointed by the united nations security council is at present investigating disturbed conditions in northern
meanwhile, the greek government is unable to cope with the situation. the greek army is small and poorly equipped. it needs supplies and equipment if it is to restore authority of the government throughout greek territory.
the british government, which has been helping
we have considered how the united nations might assist in this crisis. but the situation is an urgent one, requiring immediate action, and the united nations and its related organizations are not in a position to extend help of the kind that is required.
it is important to note that the greek government has asked for our aid in utilizing effectively the financial and other assistance we may give to greece, and in improving its public administration. it is of the utmost importance that we supervise the use of any funds made available to greece in such a manner that each dollar spent will count toward making greece self-supporting, and will help to build an economy in which a healthy democracy can flourish.
no government is perfect. one of the chief virtues of a democracy, however, is that its defects are always visible and under democratic processes can be pointed out and corrected. the government of greece is not perfect. nevertheless it represents eighty-five per cent of the members of the greek parliament who were chosen in an election last year. foreign observers, including 692 americans, considered this election to be a fair expression of the views of the greek people.
the greek government has been operating in an atmosphere of chaos and extremism. it has made mistakes. the extension of aid by this country does not mean that the united states condones everything that the greek government has done or will do. we have condemned in the past, and we condemn now, extremist measures of the right or the left. we have in the past advised tolerance, and we advise tolerance now.
greek's [sic] neighbor, turkey, also deserves our attention. the future of turkey, as an independent and economically sound state, is clearly no less important to the freedom-loving peoples of the world than the future of greece. the circumstances in which turkey finds itself today are considerably different from those of greece. turkey has been spared the disasters that have beset greece. and during the war, the united states and great britain furnished turkey with material aid.
nevertheless, turkey now needs our support. since the war, turkey has sought financial assistance from great britain and the united states for the purpose of effecting that modernization necessary for the maintenance of its national integrity. that integrity is essential to the preservation of order in the middle east. the british government has informed us that, owing to its own difficulties, it can no longer extend financial or economic aid to turkey. as in the case of greece, if turkey is to have the assistance it needs, the united states must supply it. we are the only country able to provide that help.
i am fully aware of the broad implications involved if the united states extends assistance to greece and turkey, and i shall discuss these implications with you at this time. one of the primary objectives of the foreign policy of the united states is the creation of conditions in which we and other nations will be able to work out a way of life free from coercion. this was a fundamental issue in the war with germany and japan. our victory was won over countries which sought to impose their will, and their way of life, upon other nations.
to ensure the peaceful development of nations, free from coercion, the united states has taken a leading part in establishing the united nations. the united nations is designed to make possible lasting freedom and independence for all its members. we shall not realize our objectives, however, unless we are willing to help free peoples to maintain their free institutions and their national integrity against aggressive movements that seek to impose upon them totalitarian regimes. this is no more than a frank recognition that totalitarian regimes imposed upon free peoples, by direct or indirect aggression, undermine the foundations of international peace, and hence the security of the united states.
the peoples of a number of countries of the world have recently had totalitarian regimes forced upon them against their will. the government of the united states has made frequent protests against coercion and intimidation in violation of the yalta agreement in poland, rumania, and bulgaria. i must also state that in a number of other countries there have been similar developments.
at the present moment in world history nearly every nation must choose between alternative ways of life. the choice is too often not a free one. one way of life is based upon the will of the majority, and is distinguished by free institutions, representative government, free elections, guarantees of individual liberty, freedom of speech and religion, and freedom from political oppression. the second way of life is based upon the will of a minority forcibly imposed upon the majority. it relies upon terror and oppression, a controlled press and radio, fixed elections, and the suppression of personal freedoms.
i believe that it must be the policy of the united states to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures.
i believe that we must assist free peoples to work out their own destinies in their own way.
i believe that our help should be primarily through economic and financial aid which is essential to economic stability and orderly political processes.
the world is not static, and the status quo is not sacred. but we cannot allow changes in the status quo in violation of the charter of the united nations by such methods as coercion, or by such subterfuges as political infiltration. in helping free and independent nations to maintain their freedom, the united states will be giving effect to the principles of the charter of the united nations.
it is necessary only to glance at a map to realize that the survival and integrity of the greek nation are of grave importance in a much wider situation. if greece should fall under the control of an armed minority, the effect upon its neighbor, turkey, would be immediate and serious. confusion and disorder might well spread throughout the entire middle east. moreover, the disappearance of greece as an independent state would have a profound effect upon those countries in europe whose peoples are struggling against great difficulties to maintain their freedoms and their independence while they repair the damages of war.
it would be an unspeakable tragedy if these countries, which have struggled so long against overwhelming odds, should lose that victory for which they sacrificed so much. collapse of free institutions and loss of independence would be disastrous not only for them but for the world. discouragement and possibly failure would quickly be the lot of neighboring peoples striving to maintain their freedom and independence.
should we fail to aid greece and turkey in this fateful hour, the effect will be far reaching to the west as well as to the east.
we must take immediate and resolute action. i therefore ask the congress to provide authority for assistance to greece and turkey in the amount of $400,000,000 for the period ending june 30, 1948. in requesting these funds, i have taken into consideration the maximum amount of relief assistance which would be furnished to greece out of the $350,000,000 which i recently requested that the congress authorize for the prevention of starvation and suffering in countries devastated by the war.
in addition to funds, i ask the congress to authorize the detail of american civilian and military personnel to greece and turkey, at the request of those countries, to assist in the tasks of reconstruction, and for the purpose of supervising the use of such financial and material assistance as may be furnished. i recommend that authority also be provided for the instruction and training of selected greek and turkish personnel. finally, i ask that the congress provide authority which will permit the speediest and most effective use, in terms of needed commodities, supplies, and equipment, of such funds as may be authorized. if further funds, or further authority, should be needed for purposes indicated in this message, i shall not hesitate to bring the situation before the congress. on this subject the executive and legislative branches of the government must work together.
this is a serious course upon which we embark. i would not recommend it except that the alternative is much more serious. the united states contributed $341,000,000,000 toward winning world war ii. this is an investment in world freedom and world peace. the assistance that i am recommending for greece and turkey amounts to little more than 1 tenth of 1 per cent of this investment. it is only common sense that we should safeguard this investment and make sure that it was not in vain. the seeds of totalitarian regimes are nurtured by misery and want. they spread and grow in the evil soil of poverty and strife. they reach their full growth when the hope of a people for a better life has died.
we must keep that hope alive.
the free peoples of the world look to us for support in maintaining their freedoms. if we falter in our leadership, we may endanger the peace of the world. and we shall surely endanger the welfare of this nation.
great responsibilities have been placed upon us by the swift movement of events.
i am confident that the congress will face these responsibilities squarely.
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