目录
- 第一篇：Malcolm X
- 第二篇：d Malcolm X converg
- 第三篇：7、Malcolm X - the ballot or the bullet
- 第四篇：Malcolm X: message
- 第五篇：今天是X月XX日
- 更多相关范文
正文
第一篇：Malcolm X
Malcolm X (may 19, 1925 – february 21, 1965), born Malcolm little and also known as el-hajj malik el-shabazz (arabic: ?????? ???? ???????), was an african american muslim minister and human rights activist. to his admirers, he was a courageous advocate for the rights of african americans, a man who indicted white america in the harshest terms for its crimes against black americans. detractors accused him of preaching racism, black supremacy, antisemitism, and violence. he has been called one of the greatest and most influential african americans in history.
Malcolm X's father died—killed by white supremacists, it was rumored—when he was young, and at least one of his uncles was lynched. when he was thirteen, his mother was placed in a mental hospital, and he was placed in a series of foster homes. in 1946, at age 20, he went to prison for breaking and entering.
in prison, Malcolm X became a member of the nation of islam and after his parole in 1952 he quickly rose to become one of its leaders. for a dozen years Malcolm X was the public face of the controversial group, but disillusionment with nation of islam head elijah muhammad led him to leave the nation in march 1964. after a period of travel in africa and the middle east, he returned to the united states, where he founded muslim mosque, inc. and the organization of afro-american unity. in february 1965, less than a year after leaving the nation of islam, he was assassinated by three members of the group.
Malcolm X's eXpressed beliefs changed substantially over time. as a spokesman for the nation of islam he taught black supremacy and advocated separation of black and white americans—in contrast to the civil rights movement's emphasis on integration. after breaking with the nation of islam in 1964—saying of his association with it, "i was a zombie then ... pointed in a certain direction and told to march"—and becoming a sunni muslim, he disavowed racism and eXpressed willingness to work with civil rights leaders, though still emphasizing black self-determination and self defense.
第二篇：d Malcolm X converg
lesson 11: mlk and Malcolm X: converging ideas?
overview: students will be asked to recall any ideas they have about martin luther king, jr. and Malcolm X. they will then use primary sources to analyze the messages of these two men later in their careers, and evaluate their similarities and differences. finally, students will
reconsider their initial perceptions of the two men and reevaluate them based on what they have uncovered in class.
central question: were Malcolm X and martin luther king jr.’s messages as different as people often portray them?
objectives:
? students will be able to compare, and contrast the ideologies and strategies employed by martin luther king, jr. and Malcolm X and identify their effectiveness and legacies. (michigan curriculum framework ss 1.2 hs 3, ss 1.3 hs 1)
technology standards for teachers (): technology operations and concepts
? demonstrate introductory knowledge, skills, and understanding of concepts related to technology.
planning and designing learning environments and eXperiences
? design developmentally appropriate learning opportunities that apply technology-enhanced instructional strategies to support the diverse needs of learners.
teaching, learning, and the curriculum
? use technology to support learner-centered strategies that address the diverse needs of students.
assessment and evaluation
? apply technology in assessing student learning of subject matter using a variety of assessment techniques.
productivity and professional practice
? apply technology to increase productivity
social, ethical, legal, and human issues
? identify and use technology resources that affirm diversity.
key concepts:
? black nationalism – a political and social movement prominent in the 1960’s that called for african-americans to gain economic and political power, and which celebrated african heritage.
? de facto segregation – the separation of people based on their race, ethnicity, or class that eXists to this day because of social, and not legal, practices.
? poverty – being unable to afford the means of providing material needs or comforts for oneself and ones dependents.
materials and sources:
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?eXcerpt of mlk’s “where do we go from here?” speech eXcerpt from Malcolm X’s speech “the ballot or the bullet” hand out analyzing and comparing the two speeches
assessment: students will complete a chart comparing and contrasting the views of mlk and Malcolm X, which will go in their journal. they will also revise their initial perceptions of the two men, which will also go in their journal.
instructional sequence:
1. create two columns on the board with “martin luther king, jr.” at the top of one and
“Malcolm X” at the top of the other. ask students to brainstorm words or phrases that come to mind when they think of each man.
2. display the following quotes on the overhead, and ask students who they think said each
quote, mlk or Malcolm X:
“there is a magnificent new militancy within the negro community all across thisnation. and i welcome this as a marvelous development. the negro of america issaying he’s determined to be free and he is militant enough to stand up.” – mlk
“i have been convinced that some american whites do want to help cure therampant racism which is on the path to destroying this country.” – Malcolm X
3. discuss with students how and why we have these fiXed images of martin luther king, jr.
and Malcolm X. be sure to emphasize that the media and people writing biographies of these two men have emphasized their differences, when really by the end of their lives they had more in common than we usually think.
4. pass out eXcerpts from mlk’s speech “where do we go from here?” and Malcolm X’s
speech “the ballot or the bullet”, along with a graphic organizer that students will complete during class. pair students up, assigning one student to read each speech. eXplain that they will be responsible for teaching the message of their speech to their partner. ask students to read through their speech and fill out the accompanying boX on their handout. after they have analyzed the message of each speech and shared their answers, ask each pair to write down any similarities and differences they can find between the two speeches in the
appropriate boXes. walk around the room to help each pair, especially those who appear to be struggling.
5. after students have completed their worksheet, ask them to write a paragraph in their
journals describing whether or not their perceptions of martin luther king jr. and Malcolm X have changed, based on what they have uncovered today.
第三篇：7、Malcolm X - the ballot or the bullet
7. Malcolm X - the ballot or the bullet
mr. moderator, reverend cleage, brother lomaX, brothers and sisters, and Malcolm friends --and i see some enemies.
in fact, i think we’d be fooling
read abourselves if we had an audience this large and didn’t realize that there
history were some enemies present.
free re toolbar
this afternoon we want to talk about "the ballot or the bullet." the ballot blackhisto
or the bullet eXplains itself. but before we get into it, since this is the year
of the ballot or the bullet, i would like to clarify some things that refer to
me personally --concerning my own personal position.
the dna project.
i'm still a muslim. that is, my religion is still islam. my religion is still
trace you islam. i still credit mr. mohammed for what i know and what i am. he's the
ancestraone who opened my eyes. at present, i'm the minister of the newlydna dis
founded muslim mosque, incorporated, which has its offices in the teresaethnic o
hotel, right in the heart of harlem --that’s the black belt in new york city. www.dnaa
and when we realize that adam clayton powell is a christian minister, he’sthe --he heads abyssinian baptist church, but at the same time, he’s morefamous for his political struggling.
and dr. king is a christian minister, in atlanta --from atlanta georgia --or triplegro.
in atlanta, georgia, but he’s become more famous for being involved in the
第 1 页 共 4 页
civil rights struggle. there’s another in new york, reverend galamison --i
don’t know if you’ve heard of him out here --he’s a christian minister from
brooklyn, but has become famous for his fight against a segregated schoolsystem in brooklyn. reverend cleage, right here, is a christian minister,here in detroit. he’s the head of the “freedom now party.”
all of these are
christian ministers --all of these are christian ministers, but they don’t
come to us as christian ministers. they come to us as fighters in someother category.
i’m a muslim minister. the same as they are christian ministers, i’mamuslim minister. and i don’t believe in fighting today in any one front, but
on all fronts. in fact, i’m a "black nationalist freedom fighter." islam is my
religion, but i believe my religion is my personal business. it governs my
personal life, my personal morals. and my religious philosophy is personalbetween me and the god in whom i believe; just as the religious
philosophy of these others is between them and the god in whom theybelieve.
and this is best this way. were we to come out here discussing religion,we’d have too many differences from the outstart and we could never get together. so today, though islam is my religious philosophy, my political,economic, and social philosophy is black nationalism. you and i --as i say,
if we bring up religion we’ll have differences; we’ll have arguments; and
we’ll never be able to get together. but if we keep our religion at home,keep our religion in the closet, keep our religion between ourselves and our
god, but when we come out here, we have a fight that’s common to all ofus against a [sic] enemy who is common to all of us.
the political philosophy of black nationalism only means that the blackman should control the politics and the politicians in his own community.the --the time --the time when white people can come in our communityand get us to vote for them so that they can be our political leaders andtell us what to do and what not to do is long gone. by the same token,
the
time when that same white man, knowing that your eyes are too far open,can send another negro into the community and get you and me to supporthim so he can use him to lead us astray --those days are long gone too.
the political philosophy of black nationalism only means that if you and i
are going to live in a black community --and that’s where we’re going to
live, 'cause as soon as you move into one of their --soon as you move outof the black community into their community, it’s miXed for a period oftime, but they’re gone and you’re right there all by yourself again. we
must --we must understand the politics of our community and we mustknow what politics is supposed to produce. we must know what part
politics play in our lives. and until we become politically mature we willalways be mislead, lead astray, or deceived or maneuvered into supportingsomeone politically who doesn’t have the good of our community at heart.so the political philosophy of black nationalism only means that we willhave to carry on a program, a political program, of re-education to openour people's eyes, make us become more politically conscious, politicallymature, and then we will --whenever we get ready to cast our ballot, thatballot will be --will be cast for a man of the community who has the goodof the community of heart.
the economic philosophy of black nationalism only means that we shouldown and operate and control the economy of our community. you wouldnever --you can’t open up a black store in a white community. white menwon’t even patronize you. and he’s not wrong. he’s got sense enough to
look out for himself. you the one who don’t have sense enough to look out
for yourself. the white man --the white man is too intelligent to letsomeone else come and gain control of the economy of his community. butyou will let anybody come in and take control of the economy of yourcommunity, control the housing, control the education, control the jobs,control the businesses, under the preteXt that you want to integrate. no,you're out of your mind.
the political --the economic philosophy of black nationalism only meansthat we have to become involved in a program of reeducation to educateour people into the importance of knowing that when you spend your dollar
out of the community in which you live, the community in which you spendyour money becomes richer and richer; the community out which you takeyour money becomes poorer and poorer. and because these negroes, whohave been mislead, misguided, are breaking their necks to take theirmoney and spend it with the man, the man is becoming richer and richer,and you’re becoming poorer and poorer. and then what happens? thecommunity in which you live becomes a slum. it becomes a ghetto. theconditions become run down. and then you have the audacity to --tocomplain about poor housing in a run-down community. why you run itdown yourself when you take your dollar out.
and you and i are in a double-track, because not only do we lose by takingour money someplace else and spending it, when we try and spend it inour own community we’re trapped because we haven’t had sense enoughto set up stores and control the businesses of our community. the manwho’s controlling the stores in our community is a man who doesn’t looklike we do. he’s a man who doesn’t even live in the community. so youand i, even when we try and spend our money in the block where we liveor the area where we live, we’re spending it with a man who, when the sun
goes down, takes that basket full of money in another part of the town.
so we’re trapped, trapped, double-trapped, triple-trapped. anywhere wego we find that we’re trapped. and every kind of solution that someonecomes up with is just another trap. but the political and economicphilosophy of black nationalism --the economic philosophy of black
nationalism shows our people the importance of setting up these littlestores and developing them and eXpanding them into larger operations.woolworth didn’t start out big like they are today. they started out with a
dime store and eXpanded and eXpanded and then eXpanded until today,they’re are all over the country and all over the world, and they get to
some of everybody’s money. now this is what you and i --general motors
[is] the same way. they didn’t start out like it is. it started out just a little
rat race type operation. and it eXpanded and it eXpanded until today it'swhere it is right now. and you and i have to make a start and the bestplace to start is right in the community where we live.
第四篇：Malcolm X: message
...and during the few moments that we have left, we want to have just an off-the-cuff chat between you and me -- us. we want to talk right down to earth in a language that everybody here can easily understand. we all agree tonight, all of the speakers have agreed, that
what you and i need to do is learn to forget our differences. when we come together, we don't come together as baptists or methodists. you don't catch hell 'cause you're a baptist, and you don't catch hell 'cause you're a methodist. you don't catch hell 'cause you're a methodist or baptist. you don't catch hell because you're a democrat or a republican. you don't catch hell because you're a mason or an elk. and you sure don't catch hell 'cause you're an american; 'cause if you was an american, you wouldn't catch no hell. you catch hell 'cause you're a black man. you catch hell, all of us catch hell, for the same reason.
so we are all black people, so-called negroes, second-class citizens, eX-slaves. you are nothing but a [sic] eX-slave. you don't like to be told that. but what else are you? you are eX-slaves. you didn't come here on the "mayflower." you came here on a slave ship -- in chains, like a horse, or a cow, or a chicken. and you were brought here by the people who came here on the "mayflower." you were brought here by the so-called pilgrims, or founding fathers. they were the ones who brought you here.
we have a common enemy. we have this in common: we have a common oppressor, a common eXploiter, and a common discriminator. but once we all realize that we have this common enemy, then we unite on the basis of what we have in common. and what we have foremost in common is that enemy -- the white man. he's an enemy to all of us. i know some of you all think that some of them aren't enemies. time will tell.
in bandung back in, i think, 1954, was the first unity meeting in centuries of black people. and once you study what happened at the
the number-one thing that was not allowed to attend the
they were able to submerge their little petty differences and agree on one thing: that though one african came from kenya and was being colonized by the englishman, and another african came from the congo and was being colonized by the belgian, and another african came from guinea and was being colonized by the french, and another came from angola and was being colonized by the portuguese. when they came to the
and when you and i here in
instead of us airing our differences in public, we have to realize we're all the same family. and when you have a family squabble, you don't get out on the sidewalk. if you do, everybody calls you uncouth, unrefined, uncivilized, savage. if you don't make it at home, you settle it at home; you get in the closet -- argue it out behind closed doors. and then when you come out on the street, you pose a common front, a united front. and this is what we need to do in the community, and in the city, and in the state. we need to stop airing our differences in front of the white man. put the white man out of our meetings, number one, and then sit down and talk shop with each other. [that's] all you gotta do.
i would like to make a few comments concerning the difference between the black revolution and the negro revolution. there's a difference. are they both the same? and if they're not, what is the difference? what is the difference between a black revolution and a negro revolution? first, what is a revolution? sometimes i'm inclined to believe that many of our people are using this word "revolution" loosely, without taking careful consideration [of] what this word actually means, and what its historic characteristics are. when you study the historic nature of revolutions, the motive of a revolution, the objective of a revolution, and the result of a revolution, and the methods used in a revolution, you may change words. you may devise another program. you may change your goal and you may change your mind.
look at the american revolution in 1776. that revolution was for what? for land. why did they want land? independence. how was it carried out? bloodshed. number one, it was based on land, the basis of independence. and the only way they could get it was bloodshed. the french revolution -- what was it based on? the land-less against the landlord. what was it for? land. how did they get it? bloodshed. was no love lost; was no compromise; was no negotiation. i'm telling you, you don't know what a revolution is. 'cause when you find out what it is, you'll get back in the alley; you'll get out of the way. the russian revolution -- what was it based on? land. the land-less against the landlord. how did they bring it about? bloodshed. you haven't got a revolution that doesn't involve bloodshed. and you're afraid to bleed. i said, you're afraid to bleed.
[as] long as the white man sent you to korea, you bled. he sent you to germany, you bled. he sent you to the south pacific to fight the japanese, you bled. you bleed for white people. but when it comes time to seeing your own churches being bombed and little black girls be murdered, you haven't got no blood. you bleed when the white man says bleed; you bite when the white man says bite; and you bark when the white man says bark. i hate to say this about us, but it's true. how are you going to be nonviolent in mississippi, as violent as you were in korea? how can you justify being nonviolent in mississippi and alabama, when your churches are being bombed, and your little girls are being murdered, and at the same time you're going to violent with hitler, and tojo, and somebody else that you don't even know?
if violence is wrong in america, violence is wrong abroad. if it's wrong to be violent defending black women and black children and black babies and black men, then it's wrong for america to draft us and make us violent abroad in defense of her. and if it is right for america to draft us, and teach us how to be violent in defense of her, then it is right for you and me to do whatever is necessary to defend our own people right here in this country.
the chinese revolution -- they wanted land. they threw the british out, along with the uncle tom chinese. yeah, they did. they set a good eXample. when i was in prison, i read an article -- don't be shocked when i say i was in prison. you're still in prison. that's what america means: prison. when i was in prison, i read an article in life magazine showing a little chinese girl, nine years old; her father was on his hands and knees and she was pulling the trigger 'cause he was an uncle tom chinaman, when they had the revolution over there, they took a whole generation of uncle toms -- just wiped them out. and within ten years that little girl become [sic] a full-grown woman. no more toms in china. and today it's one of the toughest, roughest, most feared countries on this earth -- by the white man. 'cause there are no uncle toms over there.
of all our studies, history is best qualified to reward our research. and when you see that you've got problems, all you have to do is eXamine the historic method used all over the world by others who have problems similar to yours. and once you see how they got theirs straight, then you know how you can get yours straight. there's been a revolution, a black revolution, going on in africa. in kenya, the mau mau were revolutionaries; they were the ones who made the word "uhuru" [kenyan word for "freedom"]. they were the ones who brought it to the fore. the mau mau, they were revolutionaries. they believed in scorched earth. they knocked everything aside that got in their way, and their revolution also was based on land, a desire for land. in algeria, the northern part of africa, a revolution took place. the algerians were revolutionists; they wanted land. france offered to let them be integrated into france. they told france: to hell with france. they wanted some land, not some france. and they engaged in a bloody battle.
so i cite these various revolutions, brothers and sisters, to show you -- you don't have a peaceful revolution. you don't have a turn-the-other-cheek revolution. there's no such thing as a nonviolent revolution. [the] only kind of revolution that's nonviolent is the negro revolution. the only revolution based on loving your enemy is the negro revolution. the only revolution in which the goal is a desegregated lunch counter, a desegregated theater, a desegregated park, and a desegregated public toilet; you can sit down neXt to white folks on the toilet. that's no revolution. revolution is based on land. land is the basis of all independence. land is the basis of freedom, justice, and equality.
the white man knows what a revolution is. he knows that the black revolution is world-wide in scope and in nature. the black revolution is sweeping asia, sweeping africa, is rearing its head in latin america. the cuban revolution -- that's a revolution. they overturned the system. revolution is in asia. revolution is in africa. and the white man is screaming because he sees revolution in latin america. how do you think he'll react to you when you learn what a real revolution is? you don't know what a revolution is. if you did, you wouldn't use that word.
a revolution is bloody. revolution is hostile. revolution knows no compromise. revolution overturns and destroys everything that gets in its w(请你继续关注好范文网wwW.haowoRd.cOm)ay. and you, sitting around here like a knot on the wall, saying, "i'm going to love these folks no matter how much they hate me." no, you need a revolution. whoever heard of a revolution where they lock arms, as reverend cleage was pointing out beautifully, singing "we shall overcome"? just tell me. you don't do that in a revolution. you don't do any singing; you're too busy swinging. it's based on land. a revolutionary wants land so he can set up his own nation, an independent nation. these negroes aren't asking for no nation. they're trying to crawl back on the plantation.
when you want a nation, that's called nationalism. when the white man became involved in a revolution in this country against england, what was it for? he wanted this land so he could set up another white nation. that's white nationalism. the american revolution was white nationalism. the french revolution was white nationalism. the russian revolution too -- yes, it was -- white nationalism. you don't think so? why [do] you think khrushchev and mao can't get their heads together? white nationalism. all the revolutions that's going on in asia and africa today are based on what? black nationalism. a revolutionary is a black nationalist. he wants a nation. i was reading some beautiful words by reverend cleage, pointing out why he couldn't get together with someone else here in the city because all of them were afraid of being identified with black nationalism. if you're afraid of black nationalism, you're afraid of revolution. and if you love revolution, you love black nationalism.
to understand this, you have to go back to what [the] young brother here referred to as the house negro and the field negro -- back during slavery. there was two kinds of slaves. there was the house negro and the field negro. the house negroes - they lived in the house with master, they dressed pretty good, they ate good 'cause they ate his food -- what he left. they lived in the attic or the basement, but still they lived near the master; and they loved their master more than the master loved himself. they would give their life to save the master's house quicker than the master would. the house negro, if the master said, "we got a good house here," the house negro would say, "yeah, we got a good house here." whenever the master said "we," he said "we." that's how you can tell a house negro.
if the master's house caught on fire, the house negro would fight harder to put the blaze out than the master would. if the master got sick, the house negro would say, "what's the matter, boss, we sick?" we sick! he identified himself with his master more than his master identified with himself. and if you came to the house negro and said, "let's run away, let's escape, let's separate," the house negro would look at you and say, "man, you crazy. what you mean, separate? where is there a better house than this? where can i wear better clothes than this? where can i eat better food than this?" that was that house negro. in those days he was called a "house nigger." and that's what we call him today, because we've still got some house niggers running around here.
this modern house negro loves his master. he wants to live near him. he'll pay three times as much as the house is worth just to live near his master, and then brag about "i'm the only negro out here." "i'm the only one on my job." "i'm the only one in this school." you're nothing but a house negro. and if someone comes to you right now and says, "let's separate," you say the same thing that the house negro said on the plantation. "what you mean, separate? from america? this good white man? where you going to get a better job than you get here?" i mean, this is what you say. "i ain't left nothing in africa," that's what you say. why, you left your mind in africa.
on that same plantation, there was the field negro. the field negro -- those were the masses. there were always more negroes in the field than there was negroes in the house. the negro in the field caught hell. he ate leftovers. in the house they ate high up on the hog. the negro in the field didn't get nothing but what was left of the insides of the hog. they call 'em "chitt'lin'" nowadays. in those days they called them what they were: guts. that's what you were -- a gut-eater. and some of you all still gut-eaters.
the field negro was beaten from morning to night. he lived in a shack, in a hut; he wore old, castoff clothes. he hated his master. i say he hated his master. he was intelligent. that house negro loved his master. but that field negro -- remember, they were in the majority, and they hated the master. when the house caught on fire, he didn't try and put it out; that field negro prayed for a wind, for a breeze. when the master got sick, the field negro prayed that he'd die. if someone come [sic] to the field negro and said, "let's separate, let's run," he didn't say "where we going?" he'd say, "any place is better than here." you've got field negroes in america today. i'm a field negro. the masses are the field negroes. when they see this man's house on fire, you don't hear these little negroes talking about "our government is in trouble." they say, "the government is in trouble." imagine a negro: "our government"! i even heard one say "our astronauts." they won't even let him near the plant -- and "our astronauts"! "our navy" -- that's a negro that's out of his mind. that's a negro that's out of his mind.
just as the slavemaster of that day used tom, the house negro, to keep the field negroes in check, the same old slavemaster today has negroes who are nothing but modern uncle toms, 20th century uncle toms, to keep you and me in check, keep us under control, keep us passive and peaceful and nonviolent. that's tom making you nonviolent. it's like when you go to the dentist, and the man's going to take your tooth. you're going to fight him when he starts pulling. so he squirts some stuff in your jaw called novocaine, to make you think they're not doing anything to you. so you sit there and 'cause you've got all of that novocaine in your jaw, you suffer peacefully. blood running all down your jaw, and you don't know what's happening. 'cause someone has taught you to suffer -- peacefully.
the white man do the same thing to you in the street, when he want [sic] to put knots on your head and take advantage of you and don't have to be afraid of your fighting back. to keep you from fighting back, he gets these old religious uncle toms to teach you and me, just like novocaine, suffer peacefully. don't stop suffering -- just suffer peacefully. as reverend cleage pointed out, "let your blood flow in the streets." this is a shame. and you know he's a christian preacher. if it's a shame to him, you know what it is to me.
there's nothing in our book, the quran -- you call it "ko-ran" -- that teaches us to suffer peacefully. our religion teaches us to be intelligent. be peaceful, be courteous, obey the law, respect everyone; but if someone puts his hand on you, send him to the cemetery. that's a good religion. in fact, that's that old-time religion. that's the one that ma and pa used to talk about: an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth, and a head for a head, and a life for a life: that's a good religion. and doesn't nobody resent that kind of religion being taught but a wolf, who intends to make you his meal.
this is the way it is with the white man in america. he's a wolf and you're sheep. any time a shepherd, a pastor, teach [sic] you and me not to run from the white man and, at the same time, teach [sic] us not to fight the white man, he's a traitor to you and me. don't lay down our life all by itself. no, preserve your life. it's the best thing you got. and if you got to give it up, let it be even-steven.
the slavemaster took tom and dressed him well, and fed him well, and even gave him a little education -- a little education; gave him a long coat and a top hat and made all the other slaves look up to him. then he used tom to control them. the same strategy that was used in those days is used today, by the same white man. he takes a negro, a so-called negro, and make [sic] him prominent, build [sic] him up, publicize [sic] him, make [sic] him a celebrity. and then he becomes a spokesman for negroes -- and a negro leader.
i would like to just mention just one other thing else quickly, and that is the method that the white man uses, how the white man uses these "big guns," or negro leaders, against the black revolution. they are not a part of the black revolution. they're used against the black revolution.
when martin luther king failed to desegregate albany, georgia, the civil-rights struggle in america reached its low point. king became bankrupt almost, as a leader. plus, even financially, the southern christian leadership conference was in financial trouble; plus it was in trouble, period, with the people when they failed to desegregate albany, georgia. other negro civil-rights leaders of so-called national stature became fallen idols. as they became fallen idols, began to lose their prestige and influence, local negro leaders began to stir up the masses. in cambridge, maryland, gloria richardson; in danville, virginia, and other parts of the country, local leaders began to stir up our people at the grassroots level. this was never done by these negroes, whom you recognize, of national stature. they controlled you, but they never incited you or eXcited you. they controlled you; they contained you; they kept you on the plantation.
as soon as king failed in birmingham, negroes took to the streets. king got out and went out to california to a big rally and raised about -- i don't know how many thousands of dollars. [he] come [sic] to detroit and had a march and raised some more thousands of dollars. and recall, right after that [roy] wilkins attacked king, accused king and the core [congress of racial equality] of starting trouble everywhere and then making the naacp [national association for the advancement of colored people] get them out of jail and spend a lot of money; and then they accused king and core of raising all the money and not paying it back. this happened; i've got it in documented evidence in the newspaper. roy started attacking king, and king started attacking roy, and farmer started attacking both of them. and as these negroes of national stature began to attack each other, they began to lose their control of the negro masses.
and negroes was [sic] out there in the streets. they was [sic] talking about [how] we was [sic] going to march on washington. by the way, right at that time birmingham had eXploded, and the negroes in birmingham -- remember, they also eXploded. they began to stab the crackers in the back and bust them up 'side their head -- yes, they did. that's when kennedy sent in the troops, down in birmingham. so, and right after that, kennedy got on the television and said "this is a moral issue." that's when he said he was going to put out a civil-rights bill. and when he mentioned civil-rights bill and the southern crackers started talking about [how] they were going to boycott or filibuster it, then the negroes started talking -- about what? we're going to march on washington, march on the senate, march on the white house, march on the congress, and tie it up, bring it to a halt; don't let the government proceed. they even said they was [sic] going out to the airport and lay down on the runway and don't let no airplanes land. i'm telling you what they said. that was revolution. that was revolution. that was the black revolution.
it was the grass roots out there in the street. [it] scared the white man to death, scared the white power structure in washington, d. c. to death; i was there. when they found out that this black steamroller was going to come down on the capital, they called in wilkins; they called in randolph; they called in these national negro leaders that you respect and told them, "call it off." kennedy said, "look, you all letting this thing go too far." and old tom said, "boss, i can't stop it, because i didn't start it." i'm telling you what they said. they said, "i'm not even in it, much less at the head of it." they said, "these negroes are doing things on their own. they're running ahead of us." and that old shrewd foX, he said, "well if you all aren't in it, i'll put you in it. i'll put you at the head of it. i'll endorse it. i'll welcome it. i'll help it. i'll join it."
a matter of hours went by. they had a meeting at the carlyle hotel in new york city. the carlyle hotel is owned by the kennedy family; that's the hotel kennedy spent the night at, two nights ago; [it] belongs to his family. a philanthropic society headed by a white man named stephen currier called all the top civil-rights leaders together at the carlyle hotel. and he told them that, "by you all fighting each other, you are destroying the civil-rights movement. and since you're fighting over money from white liberals, let us set up what is known as the council for united civil rights leadership. let's form this council, and all the civil-rights organizations will belong to it, and we'll use it for fund-raising purposes." let me show you how tricky the white man is. and as soon as they got it formed, they elected whitney young as the chairman, and who [do] you think became the co-chairman? stephen currier, the white man, a millionaire. powell was talking about it down at the cobo [hall] today. this is what he was talking about. powell knows it happened. randolph knows it happened. wilkins knows it happened. king knows it happened. everyone of that so-called big siX -- they know what happened.
once they formed it, with the white man over it, he promised them and gave them $800,000 to split up between the big siX; and told them that after the march was over they'd give them $700,000 more. a million and a half dollars -- split up between leaders that you've been following, going to jail for, crying crocodile tears for. and they're nothing but frank james and jesse james and the what-do-you-call-'em brothers.
[as] soon as they got the setup organized, the white man made available to them top public relations eXperts; opened the news media across the country at their disposal; and then they begin [sic] to project these big siX as the leaders of the march. originally, they weren't even in the march. you was [sic ] talking this march talk on hastings street -- is hastings street still here? -- on hasting street. you was [sic] talking the march talk on lenoX avenue, and out on -- what you call it? -- fillmore street, and central avenue, and 32nd street and 63rd street. that's where the march talk was being talked. but the white man put the big siX [at the] head of it; made them the march. they became the march. they took it over. and the first move they made after they took it over, they invited walter reuther, a white man; they invited a priest, a rabbi, and an old white preacher. yes, an old white preacher. the same white element that put kennedy in power -- labor, the catholics, the jews, and liberal protestants; [the] same clique that put kennedy in power, joined the march on washington.
it's just like when you've got some coffee that's too black, which means it's too strong. what you do? you integrate it with cream; you make it weak. if you pour too much cream in, you won't even know you ever had coffee. it used to be hot, it becomes cool. it used to be strong, it becomes weak. it used to wake you up, now it'll put you to sleep. this is what they did with the march on washington. they joined it. they didn't integrate it; they infiltrated it. they joined it, became a part of it, took it over. and as they took it over, it lost its militancy. they ceased to be angry. they ceased to be hot. they ceased to be uncompromising. why, it even ceased to be a march. it became a picnic, a circus. nothing but a circus, with clowns and all. you had one right here in detroit -- i saw it on television -- with clowns leading it, white clowns and black clowns. i know you don't like what i'm saying, but i'm going to tell you anyway. 'cause i can prove what i'm saying. if you think i'm telling you wrong, you bring me martin luther king and a. philip randolph and james farmer and those other three, and see if they'll deny it over a microphone.
no, it was a sellout. it was a takeover. when james baldwin came in from paris, they wouldn't let him talk, 'cause they couldn't make him go by the script. burt lancaster read the speech that baldwin was supposed to make; they wouldn't let baldwin get up there, 'cause they know baldwin's liable to say anything. they controlled it so tight -- they told those negroes what time to hit town, how to come, where to stop, what signs to carry, *what song to sing*, what speech they could make, and what speech they couldn't make; and then told them to get out town by sundown. and everyone of those toms was out of town by sundown. now i know you don't like my saying this. but i can back it up. it was a circus, a performance that beat anything hollywood could ever do, the performance of the year. reuther and those other three devils should get a academy award for the best actors 'cause they acted like they really loved negroes and fooled a whole lot of negroes. and the siX negro leaders should get an award too, for the best supporting cast.
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第五篇：今天是X月XX日
今天是X月XX日，是X先生和y小姐喜结良缘的大喜日子。室外阳光明媚，
大自然在向这对新人倾泻温馨和光明，亲朋好友共同祝愿新人一生平和、幸福美满。火红的年代，热闹的婚礼，他预示着这对新人今后的生活红红火火。X先生，y小姐，请你们永远记住这难忘的时刻，希望你们心心相印到永远。
新婚，是人生重要的一个阶段，是人生中一个新的里程牌，他将给人生永远留
下一个美好的记忆。新婚，标志着新生活的开始，也意味着一对新人从此肩负起社会和家庭的责任。为此，我作为主婚人在这里希望新人在今后的共同生活中，要互敬互爱，相敬如宾，夫妻永远恩恩爱爱，让爱情之树永远常青。夫妻并肩携手共创美好的未来。希望X先生、y小姐，在今后的共同学习和工作中，互相帮助，互相支持，共创事业的辉煌。也希望这对新人，继承和发扬中华民族的优良美德，肩负起为人母、为人父的家庭责任，孝敬双方父母、尊老爱幼，合家欢聚，共享天伦之乐。最后，再一次的祝福这对新人，生活美满幸福，祝愿在座的各位嘉宾，各位朋友，事业有成，前程辉煌。谢谢！
尊敬的各位来宾、各位亲友、女士们先生们：
笙箫引凤，鼓乐迎宾。在这金秋喜庆的美好时刻，新郎*、新娘*喜成连理。我首先向两位新人和他们的全家表示衷心的祝贺：祝愿他们鸾凤和鸣、枝茎永茂、椿萱康泰、福寿并臻。成家立业是人生旅途的重要里程。吴兆坤先生和马玉花小姐相知相爱、情深意笃，终成眷属，乃天作之合。祝愿他们从今互敬互爱，互让互勉，家庭美满，比翼双飞，共创小康伟业，前途无限锦绣。愿这对佳偶发扬中化民族尊老敬贤的传统美德，尊敬双亲，善待高堂，让双方的父母和老人衣食丰足，精神愉快，笑口常开，颐养天年。下面，我宣布：吴兆坤先生、马玉花小姐新婚典礼现在开始！（鞭炮齐鸣） ……
尊敬的各位亲友，各位来宾：
非常感谢大家牺牲双休日休息的时间，来参加两个孩子的婚礼，让我代表两个
孩子及我们全家向各位亲友和来宾表示深深的谢意，同时我也非常感谢所有参与这次庆典活动，并为这次庆典活动服务的朋友们，你们辛苦了！
在这美好的时刻，不能不让我想起，为了培养教育两个孩子成长，为他们付出
劳动和辛勤汗水并给予他们那么多关爱和帮助的领导、老师、同学、朋友和他们的长辈们，你们是值得我永远尊重和铭记的人，谢谢你们！
两个孩子今天结婚了，就意味着作为他们的父母，已经完成了哺育他们成长的
任务。时至今日，两个孩子虽然还和大多数孩子一样，依然是那样的普通，那样的平常，但是作为他们的父母，我们还是感到无比的欣慰与满足，因为他们已成为一对事业上有追求，生活上有情趣，工作上有热情，品行上有修养，交往上有爱心的优秀青年！
结婚，是人生的一个里程碑，标志着新生活的开始，也意味着两个年轻人从此
将承担起更多的社会和家庭责任。在这个美好的时刻，我和在座的所有父母亲一
样，对他们寄予着希望、嘱托和祝福，作为主婚人，我向两个孩子说三句话：第一句：热爱生活，积极进取。希望你们做一个对国家有用的人，做一个对社
会与家庭有责任的人。好读书能受用一生。无情岁月增中减，有味诗书苦后甜。 1
学会学习，与时俱进，学无止境，自强不息，为未来的子女做好榜样！第二句：孝敬父母，和睦弟兄。时代在进步，社会在发展。但到任何时候，中华民族的传统美德不能丢。儿子女婿都一样，儿媳女儿也一样，你们要象孝敬自己的父母一样孝敬对方的父母，不仅要把孝敬当做一种责任，而且更要把孝敬当做自己完善人格的一种修炼。弟兄姐妹之间，更应互相提携，互相关爱，共同成长与进步！
第三句话，互相珍惜，心系一处。少年夫妻老来伴，这是婚姻的最后归宿。希望你们互相珍惜，互相支持、理解和信任。在今后的岁月里，互敬互爱，互帮互让。赠人玫瑰，手留余香。要创造、培养、磨合、建设、维护、完善你们的婚姻。事业上做比翼鸟、生活上为连理枝，共同创造美好的未来，实现事业家庭的双丰收。
各们来宾：
今天是我的儿子王尚跃和儿媳郑艳青喜结良缘的大喜日子，作为新人的家长，我首先衷心地感谢各位来宾的光临。此时此刻，当我看到二位新人携手步入神圣的婚礼殿堂，举行这样隆重的婚礼，我很激动，心里无比喜悦。我要对儿子、儿媳说：从此以后，你们已经长大成人，在今后漫长的人生路途中，你们要同心同德，同甘共苦，同舟共济。
作为家长，我衷心地祝福你们，我永远地祝福你
各位嘉宾、各位朋友：
今天是XX年XX月XX日，是XX先生和XX小姐喜结良缘的大喜日子。在这个吉祥的日子里，室外阳光明媚，和风徐徐，室内高朋满座，良友如云，共同祝愿这对新人永结同心、幸福美满。
作为主婚人，我也十分高兴为大家介绍两位新人的一些情况。新郎XX在XXXXXX工作，为人正直，处事谦和，工作勤奋，业绩突出，深受领导和同事们的好评。新娘XX在XXXXXXXXX工作，性格开朗，心地善良，富有爱心，工作认真，是一个心灵手巧、善于持家的好姑娘。
新婚，是人生的一个新里程牌，标志着新生活的开始，也意味着从此将肩负起更多的社会和家庭的责任。为此，我作为主婚人，也在这里给两位新人提两点希望。一是希望两位婚后要继承和发扬中华民族的优良美德，做孝敬父母、尊敬长辈、团结邻里的榜样和模范。二是希望小俩口婚后要互敬互爱，相携相挽，在今后的生活中，互相帮助，互相支持，共创生活的甜蜜、事业的辉煌。
最后，再一次的祝福这对新人生活幸福美满，祝愿各位嘉宾、各位朋友事业有成，前程似锦。
谢谢！
最后让我再一次祝各位亲友、各位来宾、各位同事和朋友身体健康，工作顺利，生活美满，家庭幸福，百事可乐，笑口常开！
谢谢大家，给大家鞠躬！
各位来宾、各位朋友、女士们、先生们，大家好！
今天我非常荣幸的为二位新人做主婚人，下面由我向大家介绍新郎、新娘的情况。新郎在公司工作，为人正直，团结同志，爱岗精业，业绩突出 ，深受领导职工的好评。新娘在单位工作，心地善良，富有爱心，工作勤奋，成绩突出，受到单位领导的称赞。借此新婚大喜之日，我以主婚人的名义，向二位新人提两点希望：1、希望二位结婚以后孝敬双方父母 ，替父母分忧，多做孝敬老人的事情。成为孝敬父母的模范。2、希望二位互敬互爱、携手并进，用辛勤的劳动创造美好的生活。
最后，祝你们俩新婚愉快、早生贵子、幸福美满。
祝大家身体健康、万事如意。
谢谢大家!
各位嘉宾、各位朋友：
今天是2014年X月X日，是XX和XX喜结良缘的大喜日子。首先欢迎和感谢各位的到来！
作为主婚人，我也十分高兴为大家介绍两位新人的一些情况。新郎XX是个为人正直，处事谦和的好孩子；新娘莎莎是一个性格开朗，心地善良，心灵手巧、善于持家的好姑娘。
新婚，是人生的一个新里程牌，标志着新生活的开始，也意味着从此将肩负起更多的社会和家庭的责任。为此，我作为主婚人，也在这里给两位新人提两点希望。一是希望两位婚后要继续发扬中华民族的优良美德，做孝敬父母、尊敬长辈、团结邻里的榜样和模范。二是希望小俩口婚后要互敬互爱，互相帮助，互相支持，共创生活的甜蜜、事业的辉煌。
最后，再一次的祝福你们这对新人生活幸福美满，祝愿各位嘉宾、各位朋友事业有成，前程似锦
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